Some of President Donald Trump’s closest confidantes increasingly see Marco Rubio as a serious 2028 contender — an acknowledgement of the Floridian’s savvy handling of foreign conflicts and his ability to avoid political land mines.
It’s a striking turnaround for a politician once dismissed as too hawkish, too establishment and too scarred by a failed 2016 presidential campaign to matter in a post-Trump GOP. But his work on deposing Venezuela’s Nicolas Maduro and his steadfast loyalty to Trump have boosted him in the West Wing – and among some MAGA voters.
Rubio has said he would not challenge Vance for the nomination and it remains to be seen whether his conversion to MAGA politics could win a majority of Trump’s base if he did run. For now, his growing number of admirers in the president’s inner circle describe Rubio’s belated embrace to Trumpism as a selling point. Trump loves the zeal of a convert and it’s a welcome contrast to some old-school Republican elites who shunned the party or avoided Washington rather than reconcile with the president.
“JD Vance is a fantastic vice president, and Marco Rubio is a great Secretary of State,” said Trump adviser Alex Bruesewitz. “[Rubio] could have gone one of two routes after the 2016 campaign. He could have gone the route of John Kasich and begin to suffer from Trump Derangement Syndrome and fade into the abyss,” said Bruesewitz, referring to the former Ohio governor who ran against Trump in 2016 and endorsed Joe Biden in 2020.
Rubio, Bruesewitz, said, “chose the route of embracing MAGA and becoming one of MAGA’s staunchest allies and advocates.”
A senior White House official, who like others in this article, was granted anonymity to discuss the matter candidly, described Rubio as “loyal, wicked smart, articulate and very seasoned,” adding that he is “a winner.”
Trump has not endorsed a successor and his opinion could be decisive.
Were Rubio to run against Vance or anyone else he’d have to overcome the transition from Cabinet official to candidate – a leap that has humbled more than a few popular figures in both parties in recent years.
But a CPAC straw poll last month showed Rubio with a huge spike, to 35 percent up from 3 percent since last year. Vance, meanwhile, is down from last year’s 61 percent – though he still holds a commanding lead at 53 percent. YouGov polling shows a similar dynamic – a survey in April put Vance at the top of the list for potential Republican nominees at 63 percent, with Rubio at 42 percent – compared to a September poll that showed 65 percent for Vance and 33 percent for Rubio.
Rubio hasn’t displaced Vance on Trump’s shortlist, but conversations inside the West Wing include the secretary of state as a viable option to succeed Trump, according to two senior White House officials and five others close to the administration.
They include a growing handful of admirers Rubio has amassed at the highest levels of the Trump administration who had previously been reluctant to discuss 2028 dynamics until the midterms – and the president’s eventual endorsement – were closer to being realized.
Most of them describe Rubio as an experienced political operator whose dual roles as secretary of State and head of the National Security Council place him naturally at the nexus of crucial decisions. But there is perhaps no more significant advantage he’s had than physical proximity to Trump.
“Because of this dual role he’s had a lot of access and face time with the president — and with MAGA. That has been huge for him,” said Sean Spicer, White House press secretary during Trump’s first term.
White House spokesperson Anna Kelly wouldn’t remark on Rubio’s chances for 2028 directly. Asked about Rubio’s rise in the polls, Kelly said he’s “doing an incredible job serving joint roles as National Security Advisor and Secretary of State. His dual responsibilities help him better understand the President’s priorities and execute them across our foreign policy apparatus.”
Part of Rubio’s ascent is also the key role he’s had in the administration’s muscular new Western Hemisphere policy. He was heavily involved in strikes on alleged drug boats and operations in Venezuela and Cuba, which stand in contrast to the drawn-out affair the Iran war has become. Rubio, according to a second senior White House official, coordinated the after-action planning, pulling together other agencies including the Departments of theInterior, Energy, and, to a lesser degree, Commerce, to build an economic development plan for the region.
Rubio has also been out front on immigration, pulling green cards of foreign nationals with ties to Iran and Palestinian officials. He’s revoked thousands of student visas and instituted a “one-strike” policy that allowed the State Department to yank visas of anyone breaking a U.S. law or supporting terrorism.
Another point in Rubio’s favor: avoiding the kinds of scandals and viral moments that upstage or embarrass the boss. He’s also never been accused of being at cross purposes with Trump, such as being not as “enthusiastic” about Trump’s gambit in Iran.
The increasing support from inside the White House and MAGA faithful mean that if Trump were to back Rubio, he wouldn’t be an unfamiliar entity or start from scratch with the Trump base. Of course, Rubio has said that he would not challenge Vance in the primary, so the vice president would have to bow out for Rubio to be a candidate, assuming that promise holds.
“Trump can actually soften them up on anything,” said a midwest Republican operative familiar with the Vance team, who has become more of a Rubio fan over time. “There’s no reason why an increasingly popular Secretary of State couldn’t be elevated to the top spot if Trump endorsed him.”
And he’s scored points with some who have previously criticized the administration for not being “America First” enough, such as conservative influencer Laura Loomer.
“How could someone not support Marco Rubio?” Loomer wrote on X in January. “He is going to be President someday. Mark my words.”
Rubio wasn’t always viewed that way, especially when it comes to the uber-populist wing of MAGA, which was concerned that he was too eager to project American power abroad, too soft on immigration, and not focused enough on an “America First” agenda. Some of those concerns may linger – and, his political fortunes will be intrinsically linked with the outcome of the ongoing war in Iran.
Some on the right remain wary of his past hawkish foreign policy goals. His personality and ability to bring out voters is another factor.
“Decision makers within the party and donors believe he’s MAGA enough to get voters. He speaks MAGA but he’s much more of an establishment Republican … cut taxes, build the military old school Republicanism,” said Steve Cortes, a former adviser to Trump. “I don’t think that works in a populist era. I don’t think it’s going to excite voters.”
Other MAGA die-hards reject the idea that Rubio hasn’t earned his stripes. Spicer called Rubio “one of the most effective messengers” with “a great story.”
“[People always say] ‘you’re not MAGA enough’ and to me it’s like — Marco has proven himself. There’s always a group of people that have a bar that no one will ever hit,” Spicer said.
The State Department and the vice president’s office declined to comment.
A former White House official accused anonymous Rubio boosters in the White House of attempting to create internal strife, saying, “there’s literally no point in anyone running to the press to talk about 2028 prospects other than creating unnecessary drama and division.”
The second senior White House official said Rubio benefits from the proximity to the White House afforded to him in his role as NSC adviser: he has an office in the West Wing, which provides him ready access to Trump that can help inform the president’s world view. “Everyone loves Rubio, he’s very confident, very competent, and very relaxed. This is a guy juggling multiple jobs in the administration and the world stage and [he] is absolutely crushing it.,” the second senior White House official said. “The Rubio of 2016 was a little tense, a little earnest, took himself seriously. The Rubio of 2026 seems to know he has nothing to prove.”
The goodwill extends to Rubio’s staff too, the second White House official said, noting they are team players who talk to others and feel comfortable collaborating.
Allies also credit Rubio’s disciplined messaging as a key asset, particularly his ability to sell controversial military operations in Venezuela and Iran by framing them in “America First” terms.
“He marries normalcy, common sense, with a bit of trump/MAGA twang very well,” a GOP operative close to the White House said in a text message. “He’s able to rationalize to those who may be angry. He’s at least the best at making it make sense. He’s just a very smooth spox for POTUS.”
The operative pointed to a response Rubio gave to NBC’s Kristen Walker on Meet the Press in January, when asked if the U.S. operation amounted to a war with Venezuela.
“There’s not a war, I mean we are at war against drug trafficking organizations,” Rubio told Welker, before describing Nicolas Maduro – who was by then already in U.S. custody — as the leader of the Cartel de los Soles, and arguing that the U.S. has the right to bring to justice.
While Rubio has made some significant strides, Vance still remains a top contender. He leads in polling, is also serious about policy and has a wealth of allies inside and outside of the administration including Donald Trump Jr. and the deep-pocketed Elon Musk.
Insiders also recognize that Rubio would need to decide if the presidency is even a position he’d want to pursue. “People like him for sure, but at the end of the day, Marco needs to decide if he wants it,” a person who knows Rubio personally said.
And Trump, who will be the key decision maker in a primary election that is still two years away, likely won’t make his final choice until after the midterms in November.
Megan Messerly contributed to this report.
